MIGRATION, POVERTY AND INEQUALITY: ITS IN-DEPTH ROOTED ANALYSIS IN INDIAN CONTEXT AND ACROSS GLOBAL WORLD

-Anushka Rai, Christ (Deemed to be University), Delhi-NCR

INTRODUCTION

People have migrated throughout history, driven by various causes and employing various methods to get to their destinations. Migration has long been a subject of scholarly and social inquiry, as well as the subject of divisive political discourse. An essential component of the modern global economy is migration. Migration, both domestic and foreign, can have significant effects on poverty and development for individuals and their families, as well as on the origin and destination regions and national economies. The purpose of this research is to review the literature in order to identify evidence of connections between migration and development as well as between migration and poverty. Evidence of the connections between migration and national and global development has recently come to light. However, conclusive data regarding the relationship between poverty and migration has to be discovered.[1]

With an unprecedented inflow of over a million refugees and migrants entering the EU[2] in 2015–2016—the majority of whom were escaping violence in Syria and other countries—the subject of migration gained substantial attention in Europe. More generally, estimates place the number of officially displaced people worldwide at above 65 million, the most since the Second World War, according to UN statistics. People re-locate for various reasons, both legal and illegal, often risking their lives to escape from political oppression, persecution, war and poverty, as well as to be reunited with family and to benefit from entrepreneurship and education. Other factors, such as climate change, are increasingly becoming drivers too.

The research aims to look specifically at the relationship between poverty and migration. The desire for improved well-being and a higher standard of living, along with poverty, are major factors in both domestic and international migration. However, migration itself is dangerous and can expose migrants to additional risks in their lives, including social, economic, political, and cultural ones. For example, living in migrant camps is often associated with many deprivations. After arriving at their destination, assuming they are not held elsewhere, migrants face further challenges and frequently find themselves among the most marginalised and impoverished segments of their new community. Thus, migration can be a tool for escaping poverty as well as a cause of it and social marginalisation. The two broad tendencies differ according on social and geographic context, as well as immigrant backgrounds, socioeconomic status, gender, race, and age. After all, the affluent scientist who relocates to the United States with his family from Europe is no less of a migrant than the young refugee from southern Africa who spends months or years in a camp in Libya with no chance of economic improvement.

Both domestically and globally, impoverished people move. According to a recent Human Development Report[3], there are approximately four times as many internal migrants as there are international migrants (UNDP 2009)[4]. Internal migration can occur over very long distances, particularly in huge nations like China and India. Conversely, the distance that happens due to international migration may be less than that of internal migration, and it may even become more significant for the impoverished when social networks that already exist are strong or when earnings are higher than in the places of origin. In addition, the creation of social networks, the guarantee of loans for migration finance, or the implementation of payment plans with postponements may incentivize impoverished individuals to seek short-term international contract labour.

MIGRATION IN INDIA

In India, migration of all kinds has increased during the reform era. Although there has been permanent migration, there has also been a notable growth in the number of districts inside Indian states during the past 20 years. Migration in India is driven by a search for a subsistence level of living rather than a better-than-expected (1970) mechanism. This search may be solely seasonal, cyclical, or a rural livelihood strategy, rather than natural disasters like drought, floods, and earthquakes. The National Sample Survey Office[5] (NSSO Statistics and Programme Implementation) looks at employment, unemployment, and migration in an effort to demonstrate the relationship between poverty and migration. It also investigates whether rural women’s migration out of the area can lower poverty by examining the labour and a half decades of economic reforms in the country. We have chosen rural out-migrant households and migrant households, respectively, from the sample households recorded in the 64th round survey for the analyses of rural poverty of out migrants and urban poverty of migrant families. The study also examines the likely causes of the temporary or long-term in urban areas.[6]

It may be practically impossible for the impoverished migrants to live in urban areas permanently due to the high cost of living there. Therefore, it makes sense to suppose that a large portion of rural migrants are transient individuals who are more likely to live in poverty. Thus, it is now essential to analyze the nature of temporary migration in India’s urban informal labor markets and the underlying factors that contribute to it. Theoretically, migration might lessen migrant households’ vulnerability and poverty by increasing their earning potential. Nonetheless, there has been a great deal of discussion in the literature regarding the causes of impoverished people’s migration and how that movement affects poverty. The traditional school of thought saw migration primarily as the movement of struggling and impoverished farmers. This perspective holds that migration from rural to urban areas exacerbates urban poverty without enhancing the lives of the rural migrants. Poor migrant workers’ fates are inextricably linked to the shift from pre-capitalist to capitalist modes of production; they are unable to achieve upward social mobility.

INEQUALTIY IN INDIA

India is being presented as a “poster state” and a “high globalizer” more and more The Indian government implemented significant trade reforms and other reforms in 1991 with the goal of easing restrictions, facilitating increased integration with the global economy, and boosting economic growth Known as “globalisation,” the effects of integration in a major economy vary for many categories of people, including the rich, the poor, women, the disabled, and members of low caste, regional, rural, and urban areas. Globalisation and its effects on gender have received a lot of attention in the broader perspective. Numerous studies have looked at regional differences in India and have concluded that they have gotten worse following the reforms. However, the topic of gender inequality at the sub-national level and its bearing on the expansion and advancement of the economy is not conducive. A few studies have looked into this in the context of globalisation, although they have a limited geographic reach.

The composition looks at globalisation, economic development, and gender disparity in India’s various states. In particular, it looks at how inequality varies throughout Indian states and if it is lower in more “globalised” states. The subject is important because social traits at the sub-national level in a large economy might differ significantly from those at the national level. A macro state level viewpoint cannot be presented by even localized field level research that are restricted to a single state or certain regions. The issue also arises of whether a population that is gender-divided is able to participate in a fast-growing and globally integrated economy.

Studies have characterized gender inequality, or differences between people based on gender, in numerous ways. Sen (2001) characterized gender disparity as “a set of diverse and interconnected issues, rather than a single homogenous phenomenon.” He listed several possible examples of the inequality: mortality; basic facility inequality, such as unequal access to education for girls; special opportunity inequality, such as unequal access to professional trainings, higher education, etc.; professional inequality in specific occupations; inequality in asset ownership; and inequality in the division of labor within households. There are gender disparities in the workplace as well, such as the pay gap between men and women and the treatment of women less favorably in higher positions, postings, etc.[7]

Women may be more likely to work in paid employment as a result of higher trade openness brought about by more trade opportunities and increased output. Since low involvement in the paid workforce may occur even among highly educated women due to societal and cultural norms, our study does not take this into account as an indicator of gender disparity. In addition to other cultural elements like women’s mobility, women’s health and education levels also influence their participation in the workforce. Women’s mobility is restricted since, in many parts of South Asia in particular, women and young girls are expected to take care of home chores while males are supposed to provide for the family. This leads to gender Inequality and gender disparities.

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN GENDER INEQUALTIY, GLOBALISATION AND ECONOMIC GROWTH

Women can contribute to economic growth in a number of ways, including through greater savings, employment in the paid sector, and the accumulation of capital, both human and physical. The literature on theoretical endogenous growth acknowledges human capital as a significant driver of economic progress. The definition of human capital is “direct expenditure on education, training, health, and internal migration.” Shultz was the first to identify human capital as a source of economic growth. Even so, Becker titled his 1964 book (third edition, 1993) [8]“Human Capital” and listed the types of human capital as education, training obtained on the job, health care, and migration as a means of enhancing one’s possibilities for employment. The literature on endogenous growth links women’s participation to altered fertility patterns, better salaries that result in a decrease in capital per worker, and an increase in capital per worker.

CONCLUSION

Millions of people worldwide are impacted by the intricately entwined issues of migration, poverty, and inequality. In order to effectively address the multifaceted issues of migration, poverty, and inequality, comprehensive and integrated policy measures that respect human rights and dignity, address underlying causes, and encourage social inclusion are needed. In order to address the structural factors that contribute to poverty and inequality, these policies should place a high priority on social security, equitable development, and poverty reduction. Policies should also encourage social integration and labour rights, address xenophobia and prejudice, and acknowledge the beneficial contributions that migrants make to both sending and receiving cultures. For the purpose of creating successful policies and interventions that advance social justice, human rights, and sustainable development, it is crucial to comprehend the intricate intersections between these challenges.


[1] https://www-jstor-org Beteille, Andre. “Poverty and Inequality.” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 38, no. 42, 2003, pp. 4455–63. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4414161.

[2] EU (European Union) https://european-union.europa.eu/index_en

[3] HUMAN DEVELOPMENT (HDI) https://hdr.undp.org

[4] UNDP https://www.undp.org

[5] NSSO https://mospi.gov.in/national-sample-survey-officensso

[6] https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/the-role-of-migration-in-india-s-urban-growth-story

[7][7][7] Explained Inequality in India:  rora, Rashmi Umesh. “GENDER INEQUALITY, ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, AND GLOBALIZATION: A STATE LEVEL ANALYSIS OF INDIA.” The Journal of Developing Areas, vol. 46, no. 1, 2012, pp. 147–64. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23215428. Accessed 10 June 2024.

[8] https://www.researchgate.net/publication/307567690_Gary_Becker’s_early_work_on_human_capital_-_collaborations_and_distinctiveness